Alliance Party of Northern Ireland Policy Paper on Equality and Community Relations
- Introduction
1.1.1 Northern Ireland has been and remains a deeply divided society. But rather
than these communal divisions being addressed and overcome, they are becoming
institutionalised. The dominant orthodoxy is that separate but equal communities
can be managed through some form of 'benign Apartheid'. However, skilful conflict
management cannot be constantly maintained. With little or no common bonds or
overarching loyalties to a set of shared values, once there is a major crisis, it is
relatively easy for separate communities to go their separate ways.
1.1.2 Unless the platform provided by the Agreement is used to build a shared, nonsectarian
society, these divisions will eventually undermine the Agreement and
cause its collapse. The 'benign Apartheid' is not only distasteful but cannot work.
1.1.3 Therefore, improving community relations is the biggest challenge facing
Northern Ireland and its political institutions, and lies at the heart of Alliance's
policy agenda.
- The Background
2.1 Sectarianism
2.1.1 Not only sectarianism, but also racism and homophobia, and communal
segregation remain major characteristics of Northern Ireland society.
2.1.2 Racism, sectarianism and other forms of prejudice are about
institutionalising difference and putting people into boxes. However, more often that
not, these differences are often imagined or constructed rather than real or
substantive. Sectarianism is similar to racism, except that religion or other criteria
are used rather than race. Sectarianism is not just practiced by those engaging in
and around interfaces. It is present not only in working class communities or at
interface areas but also in the leafy suburbs and down at the golf club. Rather
sectarian attitudes are prevalent and persistent throughout Northern Ireland
society. Community relations strategies must reflect this reality.
2.1.3 Racist and homophobic attitudes are also deeply ingrained. There is evidence
that the people of Northern Ireland are even more racist than they are sectarian.
2.1.4 Sectarianism is not just something that is practised by Protestants against
Catholics or vice versa, but is multidimensional and multidirectional. It exists when
preconceived generalisations or assumptions are placed onto others. Prejudice
literally means that people are pre-judged. This includes the pigeon-holing of others
into fixed identities, such as when there is a presumption that Northern Ireland is
defined by 'two communities', while ignoring existing cross-community relationships
and desire of others not to be associated with either of the two main communal
identities. Sectarianism is about the idea that you are born into an essentialist
identity; you are defined by the 'community' into which you are born.
2.1.5 Sectarianism is also present when the perceived 'other' side is scapegoated
for problems, and the responsibility of those on the perceived 'same' side are denied.
This is most clearly manifested with respect to the 'blame-game' associated with
inter-communal violence.
2.1.6 Evidence shows that sectarian attitudes peaked during the 1970s, but they
were under-reported or ignored as other issues took precedence. Compared to the
1970s, attitudes are better today. However, it seems that attitudes were at their
relative best during the mid to late 1990s, but have since declined. Given their
relative lack of budgets and policy support, it is ludicrous to try to link the
performance of community relation structures, particularly the Community
Relations Council, to trends in community relations as some commentators have
sought to do. On a positive, note, sectarian discrimination in employment has
essentially been eliminated.
2.1.7 To a considerable extent, sectarianism has been institutionalised in Northern
Ireland society and its public policy. The language of the 'two communities' is
widespread, and many policy initiatives are based on the premise of a majority and a
minority. The institutionalisation of sectarianism - the benign Apartheid - is most
manifest in the Agreement, in particular through the use of designations in the
Assembly. This problem is also notable in the 2001 Census. 14% of the population
did not describe themselves as either Catholic or Protestant. However, 11% were
allocated to constructed Protestant and Catholic communities based on indicators of
where they live, names and where they went to school. As a result of this approach,
right from the top-down, negative indicators are given out to wider society.
2.1.8 Violence remains a major manifestation of sectarianism. There is an
erroneous tendency in some quarters to equate sectarianism with violence rather
than to address the underlying attitudes that cause it. Violence has changed
qualitatively since the ending of 'the Troubles', but quantitatively the number of
offences has increased. Rather than 'high-intensity' attacks on the security forces
and economic targets, and sectarian murders, there is a rise in more 'lowerintensity'
violence of street violence and other inter-communal violence, but also a
continuation of some sectarian murders. This violence arguably occurs on a much
more widespread basis, and directly affects a greater number of people. There is a
statistical rise in the number of sectarian offences. An enormous element of police
resources is absorbed in policing interface areas.
2.1.9 Furthermore, sometimes the immediate response to such problems can
create longer-term problems. The erection of 'peace walls' may help keep different
sections of the community apart in the short-term, but in the long term they
reinforce divisions and perceptions of 'them' and 'us' that foster conflict. Perversely,
the emphasis of the distribution of peace monies, community grants the distribution
of emergency Executive funds to areas of deprivation after conflict has erupted
rather than to areas of deprivation generally can create incentives for street violence
in order to keep the profile of the area prominent.
2.1.10 The police can only manage the immediate problems that they are
confronted with; they cannot address the underlying societal causes. In addition,
they are not helped by the failure of Unionists and Nationalists to articulate a
common view of the rule of law. Rather, they define versions that suit the interests
of their own perceived group.
2.1.11 Even the Good Friday Agreement is increasingly seen in sectarian terms. In
1998, a number of surveys showed that a majority of people, including a majority of
Protestant and Catholics, saw the Agreement as a win-win, a benefit for all sections
of the community. Three years on, a majority of people, including a majority of
Protestants and even a plurality of Catholics, see it in zero-sum terms, with it
benefiting Catholics at the expense of Protestants. Encouragingly, overall support for
the Agreement remains remarkably consistent.
2.2 Segregation
2.2.1 In no areas of life is segregation the formal policy of the state. However,
segregation is the de facto practice on the ground, with respect to education,
housing, and the delivery of services and lifestyles, often with the informal
acquiescence of the state.
2.2.2 Furthermore, while there are a number of organisations that have always
existed on a cross-community basis, there are, in civic society, a number of rival
organisations exist in a number of functional areas that implicitly cater for separate
sections of the community, e.g. morning newspapers, teacher training colleges or
certain trade unions.
2.2.3 In terms of segregation, the picture in Northern Ireland is again mixed. It
seems that Northern Ireland as a whole is becoming progressively less segregated.
There is a growing demand for mixed or integrated services and facilities, most
notably integrated education, that has been noted in surveys. There is also a
significant rise in the level of mixed marriages. People in such relationships can
suffer from particular problems of non-acceptance, can have difficulties in finding
places to live, particularly at the lower-level of the social scale, and can suffer from
intimidation or direct violence.
2.2.4 Overall, there is a rise in the level of mixed housing. Yet, in these mixed
areas, there is a sense that people are much more private about their identity and
there is much less sense of community; identity is privatised, with the perception
that it is only safe to express oneself fully in conjunction with people from a similar
background. There is evidence of a de facto segregation appearing in some private
housing.
2.2.5 In the public sector, housing has become much more segregated. Some 80%
of estates are regarded as segregated, in that less than 10% of residents are
regarded as coming from a perceived different section of the community. This trend
has been reinforced by inter-communal violence, particularly at interfaces, and
intimidation. At present, when someone is intimidated, the response of the Housing
Executive is to move the victim, rather than to work with other agencies to address
the causes of the intimidation.
2.2.6 At all levels, but particularly, in public sector estates, segregation is marked
out by the use of flags, murals, kerbstone painting, and other emblems; many of
these are paramilitary in nature. They convey the message that certain areas are the
exclusive preserve of one or other side of the community rather than common civic
space, and that others are not welcome. As a consequence, previously mixed areas
can be segregated.
2.2.7 In education, 95% of children go to schools that are essentially Protestant or
Catholic in ethos, though there is some measure of mixing in a few of these schools.
Only 5% of children attend schools that are integrated in ethos. However, there is a
strong aspiration, as expressed through opinion polls, for such schooling. It can be
measured in an even more tangible way by the number of people that are turned
away through too much demand for too little places.
2.2.8 In other respects, there is substantial evidence that people use different
shopping centres, doctors' surgeries, hospitals, job centres and leisure facilities.
While the nature of the population in certain areas may lead to facilities becoming
de facto segregated, this trend is facilitated by government at all levels through the
spatial distribution of services.
2.2.9 There is little understanding, let alone concern, at the resource implications
of providing separate facilities. The Northern Ireland Bloc Grant is 33% higher than
comparative spending in other parts of the UK. This is caused by a number of
factors, but a principle explanation is the cost of separate facilities. For example,
spending per pupil in Great Britain is c£600, while, in Northern Ireland, it is c£900.
Academic selection partially explains this variance, but communal segregation is the
main factor. The opportunity costs of separation provision for the NI economy are
substantial, and crowd out investment in improved services. The economic
distortions of separate provision are harder to quantify, as is the deterrence to
inward investment that arises from the paramilitary paraphernalia in certain areas.
2.2.10 There are deep underlying reasons to explain the existing and deepening
segregation in Northern Ireland. The public sector response is simply to cater for
these demands for separate facilities and services, even if it implies the use of
additional resources. This is in turn can reinforce segregation on the ground.
2.2.11 However, there is substantial majority support for mixed or shared facilities.
As recorded in the NI Life and Times surveys, the strongest desire is for mixed
workplaces, followed by mixed housing. Support for mixed education is lower,
reflecting a desire for children to be educated in an ethos reflecting communal
identity. However, despite the predominance of segregated schools, there is majority
support from all sections of the community for mixed (integrated) schools. However,
there are worrying signs that support for mixed facilities has dropped by a small but
not insignificant margin between 1998 and 2001. Furthermore, a desire for separate
facilities seems to be highest among the 18-24 age group, but nevertheless there is
still majority support for mixed facilities within this, like every other, section of the
community.
2.3 Identity Issues
2.3.1 Ireland, both north and south, has a long history of immigration and
intermixing. The people of Ireland reflect many aspects of a shared heritage, and
hold more in common than what divides them. Most families have some experience
of religious mixing at some stage within their history. There are a large number of
surnames that cross the traditional community divide.
2.3.2 Despite these common roots and the pluralism from new residents in
Northern Ireland, most people in Northern Ireland are being conditioned into seeing
themselves as part of two ethno-nationalist blocs, the Unionist and Nationalist
communities. This trend has been reinforced by the Good Friday Agreement. The
underlying assumption is that Northern Ireland is fundamentally divided into two
separate communities, and that they should be treated as equals in the hope that
they can live in peaceful co-existence. Predominately, British and Irish identities are
perceived in mutually exclusive terms. The terms British/Unionist/Protestant and
Irish/Nationalist/Catholic are regarded as being essentially interchangeable. This
exclusive, 'either-or' approach to identity is similar to other deeply divided societies,
such as Israel/Palestine and Cyprus, and contrasts with other situations such as
Scotland or Catalonia, where people can hold multiple identities, seeing themselves
as Scottish, British and European and Catalan, Spanish and European respectively.
2.3.3 The underlying orthodoxy is that people are either 100% of 'x' or 100% of 'y'.
There is little scope for being a little bit of 'x' and a little bit of 'y', or in fact 100% of
'z'. Those who come from other culture backgrounds are either marginalised or
ignored, as they don't fit into the dominant orthodoxy. In challenging this presumed
orthodoxy of institutionalised division with a vision of a shared future, Alliance can
be described as the radical centre.
2.3.4 At the same time, there is increasing evidence of people who do not regard
themselves as Unionist or Nationalist. In the 1998, NI Life and Times Survey, 27% of
Protestants did not describe themselves as 'unionists' while 34% of Catholics did not
describe themselves as 'nationalists', while 63% of those of no or other religion did
not describe themselves as either 'unionist or nationalist', i.e. 33% of the population
overall. These figures were confirmed by the 2001 figures: 28%, 33% and 71%
respectively, i.e. 35% of the population. At present, there is almost a plurality of the
population that reject such labels. Indeed, there is a plurality of 18-24 years olds,
indeed almost a majority - 48% who do so. Furthermore, the 2001 Census showed
that 14% of the population do not describe themselves as either Protestant or
Catholic.
2.3.5 Furthermore, the two communities approach denies the reality of crosscutting
relationships across perceived communal boundaries, and diversity within
these perceived communities. In practice, people can form a number of
relationships, a complex web of interaction, in which they engage with different sets
of people.
2.3.6 There are clear issues of how to define or conceptualise this sense of
'otherness', particularly in positive language, and how to create greater space for
'others' to survive and even flourish in Northern Ireland.
2.3.7 In the absence of any sense of common interests or allegiance to a common
framework for interaction (and furthermore, the mechanisms for creating them), the
mindset of 'them' versus 'us' is a recipe for conflict over territory and for resources.
Unionist and Nationalist politicians seek to serve the unionist and nationalist
interests rather than the common good. This is a large contributory factor to
territorial battles.
2.3.8 In Northern Ireland, political power and sectarianism are interdependent.
There is an implicit blocking response from the political establishment to any
community relations strategy that undermines their political power bases. For real
change to occur in community relations, it needs to matter to the political system.
2.3.9 There is already some support for a concept of the Northern Irish national
identity. While this remains the third choice behind the British and Irish, there is a
stable quarter of the population that identifies with Northern Ireland.
Unsurprisingly, there is majority support for this among those of no religion.
However, somewhat surprisingly, there is greater association with the Northern Irish
identity among Catholics than Protestants.
2.3.10 Northern Ireland is defined by a political culture that was fashioned in the
early years of the 20th Century that has become ossified. In recent years, Northern
Ireland has become much more polarised. This is shown in its the increased
dominance of parties defined in terms of Unionism or Nationalism. Furthermore,
within both these dispositions, there has been a notable swing to the extremes in
recent years. While Northern Ireland has never been a model for multi-party
pluralist competition, there was a significant section of the population who voted for
non-nationalist, labour or liberal alternatives during the 1960s. Polarisation has
been driven first by 'the Troubles', and second by the institutionalisation of division
in the Agreement. The residual support for cross-community parties, such as
Alliance, was an important factor in preventing Northern Ireland descending totally
into a much worse situation. The growth in cross-community as well as nonnationalist
parties will be a key indicator of the positive development of Northern
Ireland in the future.
2.4 Community Relations Policy
2.4.1 Community relations structures were first introduced to Northern Ireland in
the late 1960s, through a distinct ministry. Some advocates objected to community
relations being compartmentalised as such and argued that community relations
considerations should be mainstreamed through all aspects of public policy. Formal
community relations structures were ironically abandoned with the creation of the
Sunningdale power-sharing Executive. They did not return until 1987 with the
creation of the Central Community Relations Unit within the NI Civil Service to coordinate
community relations policy and funding. (It was subsumed into the Office
of the First and Deputy First Minister with the return of devolution). The Community
Relations Council was founded in 1990 as semi-autonomous body, partially funded
by the government.
2.4.2 Community relations initiatives can be divided into a number of categories
(see Gillian Robinson, et al., Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland, 1998):
- Single Identity Work. This involves building up the confidence of people from
particular identities in the hope that they will engage with people with other
backgrounds.
- Cultural Traditions. This promotes common interest in cultural heritage and
local history. It mostly involves single-identity.
- Community Development. This involves the support of social, economic and
environmental initiatives, which will involve people from different
backgrounds, provoking mixing and hopefully engagement.
- Reconciliation. This involves directly bringing people from different
backgrounds into dialogue and engagement with each other. Events can be
small and intense, or large and superficial.
2.4.3 Community Relations policy is currently under review by the Office of First
and Deputy First Minister, but with no revised strategy due until 2003.
2.4.4 By itself, community relations initiatives can only achieve a limited amount,
and cannot be haled responsible for any decline in community relations overall.
Wider changes are necessary within public policy for a broader community relations
agenda relating to how we live together as a society. In many aspects of public
policy, the tendency has been to approach issues from a neutral perspective with
respect to the existence of communal divisions; consideration of sectarianism or
segregation is simply ignored. Policy decisions are taken with little or no thought of
their impact on these problems, positive or negative. On a positive note, the
Department of Regional Development's document, Shaping Our Future (2001),
states: "Land designation, the location of employment, and investment decisions on
social, economic and physical infrastructure must … [seek] ultimately to contribute
to the healing of community divisions." However, it is not generally applied or
followed suit by other Departments. Furthermore, there is relatively little data
collected on sectarian attitudes, compared to other aspects of policy-making. There
is scope for the careful use of resources and facilities to encourage greater mixing
and integration in many aspects of Northern Ireland life.
2.4.5 Initiatives aimed at addressing racial harmony and equality have been even
more marginal in Northern Ireland. The Government has been slow to acknowledge
that there are even racial problems in Northern Ireland. The Race Relation Act
(1976) was not extended until 1997.
2.4.6 Community relation issues must be fundamental to the work of the NI
Executive and the Assembly, not an optional extra.
2.4.7 Community relations are not only given insufficient priority by the NI
Executive, but the wrong approach to the issue is adopted. Over recent years,
community relations policy has descended into a limited conception of managing
divisions,the 'benign Apartheid', and single identity work that does not necessarily
have follow through. Furthermore, the focus has fallen on the most visible
symptoms of sectarian tensions, violence around interfaces, rather than addressing
the underlying causes in a holistic and overarching manner. Indeed, what is often
described as 'community relations' relates to policies relating to equality, equality
between people associated with separate communities. Intercommunal relationships
are different from intercommunal differentials. While this is important in itself, it is
not community relations in the sense of addressing and overcoming divisions.
Alliance has voted against successive Programmes of Government for their failure to
adequately address communal divisions.
2.4.8 There is a great need for pro-active community relations policy aimed at
addressing rather than managing divisions.
- The Alliance Approach
3.1 Principles
3.1.1 These principles govern the Alliance approach to Community Relations:
- The individual citizen is the foundation stone of society.
- All individuals are of equal worth, and should be treated as equal citizens.
- Individuals are also members of religious, ethnic, cultural and regional
communities. These are stable, but open and fluid. People can hold a range
of identities, and loyalties to different structures and levels of government.
- Citizens have different needs. Equal treatment requires full account to be
taken of difference. When equality ignores difference, uniformity of treatment
leads to injustice and inequality.
- Society needs to be cohesive as well as respectful of diversity. It should
nurture diversity while fostering a common sense of belonging and shared
identity among its members.
- In order to be cohesive, individuals within society need to have a shared
sense of identity and values, plus a common sense of belonging and destiny.
- In any society with multiple identities these should be fashioned through a
fusion of all sub-identities and values, including those of ethnic minorities.
- Values should include respect for freedom and for human rights, a sense of
responsibility to the framework that preserves freedom and human rights, an
understanding and acceptance of different identities, cultures and traditions,
support for democracy and peaceful methods for producing political change,
and a respect for the rule of law.
- Many values are shared among humanity. In particular, human rights are
universal, and are not particular to different societies.
- Every society needs to find the right balance between cohesion, equality and
respect for difference.
3.2Community Relations Approach
3.2.1 Northern Ireland cannot afford to wait for community relations to improve at
their own pace. If Government adopts a neutral, laissez-faire approach, the
opportunity is there for the forces of separation to further deepen divisions, and for
the 'benign Apartheid' to be reinforced. Alliance therefore believes that government,
statutory agencies and indeed civic society should actively encourage de-segregation
and communal integration, and develop the appropriate policies.
3.2.2 It is noteworthy that the various reports into the GB Race Riots of 2001 talk
of Community Cohesion. This has been defined as: the 'ongoing process of
developing a community of shared values, shared challenges and equal opportunity
…, based on a sense of trust, hope and reciprocity'. (Social Cohesion Network,
Government of Canada, 1996). Community cohesion is multidimensional concept
referring to both socio-economic cohesion, as well as inter-communal cohesion.
These reports propose that community cohesion become an explicit goal of both
central and local government, with respective task forces being established.
3.3 Alternative Vision for Community Relations
3.3.1 Alliance is working for an open and free society, where we are all equal
citizens -- not a society where we merely tolerate difference, but rather a society
where we celebrate diversity and cherish individuality.
3.3.2 Only Alliance rejects the notion that we must all be pigeon-holed into 'two
communities', and respects personal choice of identity.
3.3.3 Alliance offers everyone, including unionists and nationalists, an invitation to
something different, something better than sectional politics-a genuinely shared and
non-sectarian future.
3.3.4 Alliance wants to build a united community, characterised not by communal
separation but by sharing.
3.3.5 For Alliance, the Agreement is not the ceiling of our ambition; it is the floor
on which we can build a shared society.
3.4 Re-conceptualising Identity
3.4.1 The debate regarding whether or not Northern Ireland is best conceptualised
as two separate communities is not a tedious theoretical argument, but a practical
one with very real consequences. In seeking to move away from 'the two
communities' notion, we have two approaches available to us, one maximalist and
one minimalist. In any event, efforts to redefine identity will involve some element of
the promotion of Northern Ireland as a region, and the creation of some overarching
loyalties.
3.4.2 The minimalist approach involves creating the space for a range of identities,
including new mixed identities to interact. Essentially, it entails recasting Northern
Ireland as a multicultural rather than a bicultural society -- a community of
communities. The institutions of the state would be required to be ethnically-neutral
and be tasked to maintain this space. However, there would be little sense of
common interests and values. The sense of 'otherness' could be better and even
positively defined. However, the balkanisation of identity in Northern Ireland would
remain. This approach is consistent with the current governmental and
constitutional structures under the Agreement, and the current policy predisposition
towards managing a divided society. However, as is argued elsewhere,
this approach carries long-term threats to peace and stability. Closely related to this
approach, there is another option of portraying Northern Ireland as a 'mosaic'. This
is language most frequently used in Canada. This version of the above approach
recognises the multicultural nature of society, and places greater stress on the
importance of common bonds.
3.4.3 The maximalist approach involves the promotion of a common, umbrella
identity for the people of Northern Ireland. This would be civic in nature, and based
around shared values and interdependence. Underneath, a multitude of subidentities
could co-exist and interact. In this context, it would be easier to fashion a
common sense of interest. It would be most consistent with the ideals of equal
citizenship and universalism, in that identity would be essentially privatised, with
the group dynamic removed. This approach would involve some type of 'melting-pot'
transformation, and may be difficult to achieve. However, it would transform
Northern Ireland into a liberal democracy, and an open society with equality of
citizenship. Such a Northern Ireland would be much more peaceful and stable.
3.4.4 Any journey towards the latter conception in Northern Ireland necessitates
passing through the former. Alliance stresses that people should be able to hold
open, mixed and multiple identities, and can have loyalties to a range of political
structures at different levels.
3.4.5 Ultimately as an internationalist party, Alliance believes that we should
stress our common humanity and our place within a global community, with shared
responsibilities to working together to address common problems.
- Proposals
4.1 Citizenship
4.1.1 Alliance stresses that all residents within Northern Ireland should be equal
citizens within a liberal, democratic polity. Citizenship should be linked to a shared
civic identity, and a sense of belonging.
4.1.2 Alliance will promote citizenship education in schools. Such education
should include lessons regarding our common humanity, shared values, and an
understanding of diverse religions and cultures. It should emphasise that rights
come with responsibilities. Education should also include the promotion of a culture
of lawfulness, i.e. the benefits to both the individual and the wider community of a
society based on respect for law.
4.2 Promoting Northern Ireland as a region
4.2.1 Any of the above approaches to identity should be grounded in the concept of
promoting Northern Ireland as a region. This would give some cohesion to any
shared identity, or simply define the framework in which a range of single and mixed
identities interacts.
4.2.2 In the 21st century, neither the state nor sovereignty is absolute. Especially
in modern Europe, people and organisations are creating a range of transnational
relationships and networks. Regional government is increasingly the norm. Only in
Northern Ireland do some people and political parties cling to 19th century notions
of sovereignty. Yet, the Good Friday Agreement creates the opportunity for Northern
Ireland to create different types of relationships with the Republic of Ireland, and the
regions of the United Kingdom.
4.2.3 Alliance believes that Northern Ireland should be promoted as a distinct
region within a decentralising British Isles and emerging Europe of the Regions.
While Alliance continues to support the Principle of Consent for determining
Northern Ireland's constitutional status, we hope that the promotion of Northern
Ireland as a region will lessen the significance of any future choice regarding
whether it remains part of the United Kingdom or joins a united Ireland.
4.2.4 Alliance acknowledges the importance of the Northern Ireland's membership
(through the UK) and participation within the European Union, and the contribution
made by the EU to building peace and reconciliation. Alliance will promote the
concept of European citizenship.
4.3 Visual representation of shared vision/united community
4.3.1 Alliance proposes that new symbols be devised to give expression to Northern
Ireland as a region, including a new flag. Any new flag should not be a marriage of
the symbols of the two dominant traditions but reflect the real diversity to found in
Northern Ireland. Greater use should also be made of the European Flag.
4.3.2 Projects need to be developed to give some tangible expression of a shared
vision and a united community. Funding can be distributed to projects, such as
festivals or community art, that are either cross-community in nature or promote
cultural diversity and pluralism.
4.3.3 Alliance believes that the imaginative use of arts and culture have the
potential to challenge sectarianism and segregation and to promote better
community relations. Alliance will support such projects.
4.3.4 Alliance supports the building of a new national stadium in Northern Ireland.
In contrast to a number of existing sports grounds, this would be situated in a
neutral venue and would be a place where all citizens would feel welcome, and could
support those representing the region of Northern Ireland in sports such as soccer,
rugby and Gaelic football.
4.4 Community Relations Structures
4.4.1 Alliance remains committed to the maintenance of regional community
relations structures, tasked with addressing both the symptoms and causes of
communal divisions.
4.4.2 Alliance believes that dialogue about sectarianism, segregation and
community relations problems are important, and that uncomfortable truths about
these problems should not be swept under the carpet.
4.4.3 Alliance restates its support for the work of the Community Relations
Council, and would significantly increase the budget granted to it to expand its
support for community relations projects.
4.5 Community Support
4.5.1 Northern Ireland has had substantial funds made available for community
investment, from domestic, European and international sources. On the whole,
these funds have benefited the local communities involved. However, Alliance has
some concerns about the way peace and other community support monies are
spent.
4.5.2 First, investments into communities in the immediate aftermath of violence
can indirectly create incentives for violence in other areas. Alliance believes that
community investment should be based upon assessment of deprivation.
4.5.3 Second, there is some evidence that expenditure has increased the level of
separate communal provision of facilities and services. One example is nursery
provision. This is partially due to the existing residential segregation on the ground,
but also to a facilitation of single-identity projects. It is noteworthy that some of the
reports into the GB race riots of 2001 argue that funding regimes could act as an
incentive for community cohesion. The Cantle Report argues that this would 'make it
very doubtful as to whether any community group, exclusively promoting the
interests of one culture, race or religion, should ultimately receive financial support
form public funds, unless the particular need is only relevant to that group and can
be only be provided in isolation'.
4.5.4 Alliance believes that community investment funds should be increasingly
concentrated on projects with a cross-community element. In light of the difficulties
experienced by some cross-community projects within certain areas achieving
funding, Alliance suggests that grant-giving bodies earmark monies to fund specific
cross-community projects.
4.6 Integration Monitor
4.6.1 Alliance proposes that the OFMDFM appoint an integration monitor. The NI
Assembly should ratify any appointment. The office-holder would be independent
figure, and would be charged with commenting and assessing government policy for
their impact on community relations and overcoming divisions in society, and
pointing to failures of Government to take appropriate action where necessary.
Sufficient budget should be allocated to allow the monitor to support an
independent office.
4.7 Development of the Civic Forum
4.7.1 Alliance notes favourably that a large part of Northern Ireland civic society is
organised on a cross-community basis. Alliance believes that the Civic Forum has
the potential to be a powerful voice against sectarianism and segregation, and to
take a pro-active role in addressing these problems.
4.8 Data Collection
4.8.1 Alliance believes that it is important that society is aware of the financial,
economic and social costs of segregation, and the provision of separate, often
duplicate facilities. Alliance proposes that the integration monitor be charged with
producing an audit of the costs of segregation on an annual basis. Alliance further
encourages studies to be made into the historical socio-economic legacy of
segregation.
4.9 Policy Appraisal for Sharing over Separation (PASS Criteria)
4.9.1 At present, all Northern Ireland Office and NI Executive policies are equalityproofed.
NI Executive policies are also rural-proofed. Alliance proposes that a new
form of policy proofing, entitled Policy Appraisal for Sharing over Separation (PASS).
This would assess the impact of every policy initiative on communal divisions, with
those that are promote sharing or are neutral preferred, while those that further
separation eliminated. The report into the Oldham Race Riots of 2001 suggested
that all central and local government policies in Great Britain go through a process
of 'integration proofing'.
4.10 Integrated Education
4.10.1 The Alliance Party has a long-standing commitment to the support and
expansion of integrated education in Northern Ireland. This commitment is based
upon two core party principles: a recognition and reinforcement of pluralism within
Northern Ireland society and parental choice in education. Alliance has set a target
of 10% of children being educated in integrated schools by 2010.
- Alliance will continue to support the creation and maintenance of new-build
integrated schools.
- The duty on the DENI to encourage, not merely to facilitate, the development
of integrated education should be extended to Education and Library Boards.
- Where new schools are being, for example to service new housing
developments, the Department should survey local residents regarding a
presumption that they will be integrated or inter-church. As far as possible,
new schools should be sited to service mixed catchment areas.
- Alliance will encourage the transformation of existing schools to
'transformed' integrated status.
- Alliance will reform and relax the criteria for the creation and maintenance of
integrated schools, giving recognition of those children of mixed, other or no
religious background.
- Alliance proposes that formal recognition be made of the contribution being
to the process of reconciliation by 'mixed' schools.
- Alliance will oppose any creation of any perceived 'right' to a guarantee of
public funding for segregated schools, as this could forever entrench
segregated schools and frustrate the process of integration.
4.10.2 There is a separate more detailed policy statement on this issue, entitled
Integrating Education. (This is still under development and will be circulated
shortly).
4.11 Mixed Housing and Living
4.11.1 To date, the NI Housing Executive has done little to create or maintain
mixed housing estates. They have provided houses with little concern for the
promotion of sharing, and have presided over the further development of
segregation. Segregation is not exclusively a problem on grounds of religion, but also
occurs on a socio-economic basis and between young and old. Alliance believes that
the promotion and maintenance of mixed housing should become an explicit
objective of the NI Housing Executive.
4.11.2 While incentives can be put in place to encourage people to live together,
real progress depends upon removing the underlying causes that force people to live
apart, and undermine mixed areas. At one level, this involves addressing them
mindset of 'them' and 'us' that pushes people to live with 'their own kind', and at
another level, tackling the sectarian violence and intimidation that creates fear in
existing mixed communities, and deters others from moving into them.
Fundamentally, people need to have a sense of security to live with confidence in
mixed areas, and know that they will be supported in their choice by society.
Alliance addresses these issues in our policy paper, 'Justice and the Rule of Law'.
4.11.3 Alliance is particularly concerned at the level of flags, murals and other
emblems, particularly of a paramilitary nature. The spread of these paraphernalia
can turn previously mixed areas into segregated ones, as some people leave. With
the undercurrent of paramilitarism and associated intimidation or actual violence, it
is not realistic to expect local communities to ask for action from public authorities
or to take action themselves. Alliance advocates the creation of an Inter-
Departmental Working Group to facilitate an inter-agency approach to these
problems.
4.11.4 Alliance believes that the Housing Executive and Roads Service should
comply with their requirements under Equality Legislation, in particular the Fair
Employment and Treatment Order (NI) 1998, and remove flags, murals and graffiti
on their property in order to help to create and maintain neutral living
environments. Alliance will hold them to account for their failure in this regard.
Similar symbols of a racial nature would not be tolerated in Great Britain, and
indeed are removed by the responsible authorities. Alliance will resist attempts to
push the responsibility for dealing with such problems back onto local communities.
This gives local strongmen inordinate influence at the expense of legitimate voices.
4.11.5 Alliance urges the police to adopt a more pro-active policy of intervening
when paramilitary flags and other emblems are being erected. There are a number of
existing criminal offences, relating to breach of the peace, public order, intimidation,
and terrorism that can be cited. In addition, consideration should be given to the
creation of specific offences concerning the erection of flags or other emblems and
the painting of murals associated with proscribed organisations.
4.11.6 Alliance further highlights the need for public bodies to defend existing, and
to further develop, common civic spaces, especially in town centres. Facilities should
be situated in order to maximise their potential of attracting people from all sections
of the community in particular localities. Steps should be taken to ensure that there
is a no-chill factor for anyone. There is an important role for the Planning Service to
play in this regard. The impact upon community relations should be a material
consideration within strategic planning documents, and within Area Plans. Best
practice should also be developed regarding design of the urban environment to
maximise cross-community mixing.
4.12 The Rule of Law
4.12.1 Many of the law and order problems in Northern Ireland can be traced to
communal divisions. At a macro-level, there is an absence of a common conception
of the rule of law, with Unionists and Nationalists pushing their own version, and a
selective approach to acceptance of decisions from the state. At a micro-level, the
division of people into 'them' and 'us' inevitably creates competition for territory and
resources, with gains for one side being seen as a loss for the other.
4.12.2 The Alliance Policy Paper, 'Justice and the Rule of Law', details the various
threats to the rule of law, including those that are particularly damaging to
community relations such as sectarian and racist attacks on the person and
property; public order problems, street violence and interface riots; and the erection
of flags, emblems and graffiti. Alliance stresses the full enforcement of the existing
law and the revision of the criminal law where appropriate.
4.12.3 Any community safety strategies must address community relations issues.
In particular, the forces of law and order should support those trying to move away
from the perceived safety of segregated areas or facilities towards mixed ones, and to
assist those trying to protect existing mixed areas and facilities from threat.
4.13 Interface Areas
4.13.1 Alliance does not believe that the building of 'peace walls' to keep people
apart provides a meaningful solution to interface tensions. Such approaches only
reinforce the sense of division between 'them' and 'us' than fuels sectarian violence,
and deny the possibility of meaningful exchanges between local communities that
could build peace.
4.14 Hate Crimes
4.14.1 In Northern Ireland, there is a long history of attacks upon the person or
property motivated by sectarianism. There has recently been an increase in the
recorded number of attacks motivated by racism. Furthermore, there is an
undercurrent of attacks motivated by homophobia.
4.14.2 Hate Crimes are laws that provide for longer sentences for existing criminal
offences when a hatred motivation can be established as a material consideration in
court. Hate Crimes laws have been pioneered in the United States. They were
introduced in Great Britain through the Crime and Disorder Act (1997). This
legislation created a range of aggravated offences where a racist motivation could be
established. Unfortunately, this legislation has not yet been extended to Northern
Ireland.
4.14.3 Alliance has called for the immediate extension of the racially-motivated
offences contained within the Crime and Disorder Act to Northern Ireland. Alliance
will support the creation of homophobic Hate Crime measures on a UK-wide basis.
Alliance also advocates the creation of sectarian Hate Crime measures on a UK-wide
basis. Northern Ireland could be used to pilot such measures, and they should be
introduced in conjunction with measures to deal with racial crime. Alliance will
lobby the Government to ensure that they deliver upon promises to issue a
consultation paper on tackling racism and sectarianism in Northern Ireland,
including Hate Crime measures.
4.15 Football Offences Act
4.15.1 Alliance is concerned at the chill factor that exists in many sporting grounds
in Northern Ireland. Sectarianism and racism should have no place in sport.
Alliance proposes that the Football Offences Act (1991) and other relevant legislation
that are applied in Great Britain to deal with racist chanting at football grounds be
extended to Northern Ireland to deal with both sectarian and racist chanting at local
sporting grounds.
4.16 Victims
4.16.1 There is a wide range of victims in Northern Ireland. Alliance believes it is
wrong for society to determine who is a victim and who is not a victim. This is
essentially a matter for the individual. Similarly, different victims have different
needs and perspectives on the peace process. Nevertheless, the needs of victims
have been generally overlooked in the peace process. There is a pressing need to
resolve how we deal with the past.
4.16.2 The Truth and Reconciliation process has been adopted in many other
situations, most notably South Africa. There are demands for similar mechanisms in
Northern Ireland. The South African model had mixed success. Some people
benefited from the truth being out in the open and gained some sense of closure, but
others felt a great sense of justice having been denied. Also the process of producing
authoritative accounts of the past was inevitably and heavily contested. The South
African model was able to gain testimony from those responsible in return for
amnesty, but this was not automatic.
4.16.3 It will not be possible to replicate this model in Northern Ireland, even if it
was desirable. Furthermore, the process of providing an official history of 'the
Troubles' should be avoided. Alliance believes that a forum should be established to
allow victims (self-defined) to tell their stories, and have them placed on an official
record.
4.17 Equality
4.17.1 Alliance is committed to protecting the rights and ensuring the
opportunities of every individual citizen. Equality is essential to giving everyone a
stake in society. For Alliance, equality means equality of opportunity, equality of
access, equality of treatment, equality under the law and equal citizenship.
4.17.2 Equality issues in Northern Ireland are overly associated with issues
relating to religion and/or political identity. Furthermore, there is an underlying
predisposition to prioritise redressing actual or perceived discrimination against
Catholics/Nationalists. Alliance does not believe that there should be a hierarchy in
equality. Discrimination or other inequalities on the grounds of gender, race,
disability, sexual orientation and religion should be of equal concern. It is also
wrong to proceed on the basis of a majority/minority analysis, as this signifies fixed
blocs, and deny the reality of fluidity of identity and mixing by people.
4.17.3 Opportunity, a sense of belonging and fair treatment do not exist evenly and
consistently across society, there are some individuals who are more marginalised
than others, due to historical inequalities, discrimination, geography or other
obstacles to participation. As a result, it may not be sufficient to apply good public
policy generally and hope that all sections of the community will benefit
appropriately. This is the approach used in France, with its strong civic republican
tradition, and it has some of the worst race relations in Europe. The use of neutral
policies does not necessarily produce neutral actions or outcomes.
4.17.4 Alliance believes that there is a case therefore for positive- or affirmativeaction,
but remains opposed to 'positive discrimination' or the use of quotas.
Alliance supports the targeting of those from particular disadvantaged or
underrepresented sections of the community, and targeting resources to certain
localities. This is the essence of Targeting Social Need (TSN). Alliance opposes
however the use of quotas to fill vacancies or allocate resources as this inevitably
leads to individual cases of those of either greater merit being passed over in order
to address the need of someone identified with a disadvantaged group.
4.17.5 With respect to how equality is handled in relation to religion and identity,
Alliance is concerned that the over-emphasis on groups further institutionalises
divisions. Alliance believes in treating all persons as equal citizens, but is opposed to
institutionalising a false 'parity of esteem' between groups. Furthermore, the
assumption of a majority/minority problem is not only simplistic in that it ignores
existing diversity, but it assumes that discrimination is unidirectional.
4.17.6 In dealing with equality monitoring, like other area of public policy,
reference should be made to individual rights, and there should be an awareness
that people can become restricted or even imprisoned by group labels. This religious
or ethnic counting can reinforce single group identities by placing people within
mutually exclusive categories. Monitoring does create increased bureaucracy and
should be regarded as time-bound means to an end rather than an end in itself.
4.17.7 Alliance supports the creation of a Single Equality Act, to combat
discrimination or other forms of unfair treatment based on religion, gender,
perceived race, disability and sexual preference.
4.18 Fair Employment
4.18.1 Alliance has been a longstanding advocate of fair employment legislation
and monitoring in order to ensure equality of opportunities and non-discrimination
in the workplace. We have had concerns about the methodology used to categorise
people in pursuit of these objectives. Indeed, with time, these concerns have grown.
4.18.2 The current system requires people to describe themselves as 'Protestant' or
'Catholic' or members of 'the Protestant Community' and 'the Catholic Community'.
While a large number of people and bodies perceive Northern Ireland to be divided
into two main communities, there are those who do not fit or wish to be fitted into
such a worldview, included those in or from mixed marriages or relationships.
4.18.3 First, the use of 'Protestant' and 'Catholic', 'the Protestant Community' and
'the Catholic Community' are essentially euphemisms for 'Unionists' and
'Nationalists' and 'the Unionist Community' and 'the Nationalist Community'. But
not every Protestant is a Unionist, and not every Catholic is a Nationalist. Second,
up to 10% of the population of Northern Ireland does not record themselves as either
Protestant or Catholic in the Census. The figures in the 2001 Census may well go
further than that. Third, there are a significant number of Protestants or Catholics
who do not wish to be perceived as of an exclusive Protestant or an exclusive
Catholic community that implies that they hold more in common with all of their coreligionists
than everyone else on the perceived other side of the community. Fourth,
it is also worth noting that very few Catholics describe themselves as 'Roman
Catholics' which is the term used in most documentation. Finally, and perhaps most
crucially, there are a growing number of people who are the product of mixed
marriages or mixed relationships.
4.18.4 At present, fair employment monitoring regulations do not permit people to
opt out of being allocated to one or other communal classifications. It is only those
whose perceived communal background cannot be determined or presumed by
others who are allocated to a third category. People are therefore labelled against
their will.
4.18.5 Alliance rejects the argument that the current methodology is essential to
ensure fairness in employment monitoring. The methodology is not consistent with
the classifications used in the NI census. In fact, an approach based on perceptions
of what people are rather than how really define themselves can contribute to bodies
being less representative than they otherwise would be.
4.18.6 Alliance proposes that fair employment monitoring regulations be amended
to allow people to identify themselves as 'Protestant', 'Catholic', 'Other Religion' or
'No Religion'.
4.18.7 Alliance also proposes that the list of organisations exempted from fair
employment Regulations be amended. In particular, the ability of schools to hire
teachers from one or other community background should be removed. Any teacher
should be capable of teaching professionally and impartially, and in accordance with
a school's ethos, irrespective of their background.
4.19 Separation of Church and State
4.19.1 Alliance believes in the separation of church and state, which in this context
includes the separation of religion from party politics. It sends a profoundly wrong
message in our community for the monarchical succession to proceed on the basis
of inequality of gender and inequality of religion/denomination. In an age of
pluralism and equality, it is no longer tenable for one Church to have an elevated
status, and for it to have the right for its two Archbishops and Twenty Four of its
Bishops to sit in the House of Lords to the exclusion of those representing other
denominations or faiths, and those of a secular or humanist disposition. Alliance
believes that the office of Prime Minister should not have the right to appoint
bishops of any church. It is similarly wrong for the monarchical succession to be
restricted to those of one denomination, or for priority to giving to descendants on
the basis of the male gender. Alliance believes that the simplest resolution of this
would be the disestablishment of the Church of England, and the particular
arrangements for the Church of Scotland. Both Wales (1914) and Ireland (1869)
provide precedents of Parliament disestablishing official Anglican Churches. There
are 38 Provinces in the Anglican Church around the world. In only one province -
England - is it the official state church.
4.20 Human Rights
4.20.1 The Alliance Party believes in the inherent dignity and worth of every
individual, and that human rights arise from these values. Human rights are,
therefore, both universal and inalienable, both indivisible and interdependent.
Alliance has long supported the incorporation of the European Convention on
Human Rights into UK and Irish domestic law. We therefore welcome the British
Human Rights Act (1998), and the forthcoming equivalent legislation in the Republic
of Ireland.
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